In the Middle East, power, resources and wealth distribution often trigger internal conflicts within and between countries, emerging from or still embroiled in violent confrontations. However, research on governance and public policy regarding actors within countries during and after conflicts in the Middle East is currently insufficient. The narrative surrounding the ongoing Syrian conflict is a striking example of this phenomenon.
In the aftermath of the Syrian Revolution, all actors directly or indirectly involved in the crisis are currently reassessing their positions and renewing their strategies. At this point, the future position of the Syrian Turkmens (who are an important part of the Turkic world, including the Kazakhs, Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, Zazas, Kurmanjis and others) and the reorganization of the Turkmens structure after the revolution are among the critical issues on the agenda for both internal security and order in Syria and the national security of the Türkiye. In particular, the new administration's failure to grant Turkmens sufficient representation in the Cabinet (only Turkmen commander Fehim Ertuğrul Isa has been appointed as deputy defense minister and commander of the Northern Army) poses a serious problem for both the Turkmen presence in Syria and Türkiye's national security. The struggle in Syria has entered a new phase; therefore, the Syrian Turkmens urgently need a new and transformative vision.
The Syrian Turkmen Assembly, established in 2013 with the support of the Republic of Türkiye, has long been run by a group of people who have been living in Türkiye and are therefore far removed from the realities on the ground in Syria. The fact that this structure is managed by Syrians living in Türkiye as a diaspora council poses a serious problem. As a result, the Syrian Turkmen Assembly has failed to gain any base or influence in Syria or within the Turkmen community. Ultimately, it has become almost dysfunctional.
Civil political bodies such as the Syrian interim government, which claims to politically represent the Syrian revolution, the Syrian Opposition Coalition and the Syrian Turkmen Assembly, established as the political umbrella organization of the Turkmens, have unfortunately failed to exert a convincing influence on Syrian society. The fundamental reason for this is that “in Middle Eastern countries where armed conflicts continue, the people prefer to follow military figures in the region.”
This situation was clearly seen at the Syrian Turkmen Assembly Congress held in Çobanbey in November 2019. At the congress, while the civil political representatives of the aforementioned institutions sat in the protocol area allocated to them, there was no significant interest from the public or delegates toward them. On the other hand, delegates representing the Syrian Turkmen were competing with each other to chat and take selfies with Turkmen commanders from the Syrian National Army (Fehim Ertuğrul Isa, Seyf Ebubekir Polat, Doğan Süleyman, etc.).
Despite the full support of Türkiye, the Syrian Turkmen Assembly has failed to inspire hope among the Syrian Turkmen and the Syrian people. The fact that the Assembly consists of political parties that are not represented in Syria and the Syrian people's distrust of civil politics due to their past bad experiences have led to the failure of the Assembly. While the people's attitude toward civil politics is clear, insisting on supporting the existing civil political institutions is not in line with reality.
The current situation and conditions in Syria are clear. To fulfill the requirements of these conditions and ensure that the legitimate demands of the Turkmens are heard loud and clear around the world, it is imperative that national leaders emerge who are free from all external pressure and control and that a national structure be established.
The first issue to be resolved is the replacement of the worn-out Syrian Turkmen Assembly, which no longer has any representative power on the ground, with a national front led by a charismatic military leader. This leader will give hope and direction to the Syrian Turkmens. The Syrian Turkmen Front must be established in Syria and continue its activities from there. In this sense, it is vital to establish a Syrian Turkmen Front in which Turkmen elements from all fields can participate and struggle. Otherwise, the Turkmens will face the risk of assimilation and disappearance from regional politics in the coming period.
The Syrian Turkmens also face a serious elite problem. It is imperative to train personnel who can urgently represent the Syrian Turkmens in international negotiations and platforms. At this point, establishing a “Syrian Turkmen Academy” and training individuals with potential from the Turkmen community can be planned. In the coming years, this academy could also be considered a “Middle East Turkmen Academy,” thereby enabling the training of elite cadres not only for Syrian Turkmen but also for Turkmen in Iraq, Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and other countries. At the academy, accelerated courses should be offered using the most modern education and teaching methods by qualified academics.
Another important issue related to this topic is the “internationalization” of the presence of Turkmens in Syria. The existence of Turkmens in Syria, whose cultural rights are not recognized and who have been subjected to human rights violations and massacres for a long time, should be brought to the attention of the world public. To bring this situation to the attention of the international public by all means, the relevant mechanisms of human rights conventions and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) active in this field and interested in this issue should be contacted. At this point, the Turkmens should also take initiatives within the institutional structure of the EU through organizations concerned with minorities. Furthermore, the crimes against humanity committed by the Assad regime against the Turkmen in the region should be reported and presented to the international community.
We also see clear shortcomings in determining political, military and legal goals for the Turkmen. At present, no one knows what the political, military and legal goals of the Turkmens in Syria are (including the Turkmens themselves). It would be very useful to work quickly on this issue and share the identified goals with the Turkmen community. Special importance should be given to the issue of legal status. It is vital that the Turkmens gain status in the new constitution within the territorial integrity of Syria.
If we look at this issue from an international law perspective, the 1921 Ankara, 1923 Lausanne, and 1939 Türkiye-France agreements do not grant any status to the Turkmens in Syria. (This situation is also related to the fact that the concept of minority at that time was based on religion, and that the majority of Syrian Turkmens lived within the borders of a Muslim country.) Therefore, the Syrian Turkmens currently do not have legal status as a separate entity within Syria. For this reason, the Syrian Turkmens must secure legal status in the coming period.
Legal status will grant objectivity to the Turkmens. Unfortunately, the current situation of the Turkmens in Syria is one of subjectivity. As long as this subjectivity persists, it is unlikely that anyone outside Türkiye will show interest in or take the Turkmens into consideration. Regardless of the circumstances, the primary objective of the Turkmens should be to obtain a legal status document. Legal status serves as a deed of ownership for the Turkmens, providing a guarantee for their future – even if it may gather dust over time.
